By Carol Ann Drogus

An intensive and robust literature on faith, society, and politics in Latin the US lately has started with the idea that the majority of the activities that surged within the fight opposed to army rule are lifeless, that the majority of the activists are scattered and burned out, and that the promise of civil society as a resource of recent values and a brand new sort of citizenship and political lifestyles used to be illusory. Many have assumed that the religiously encouraged activism of that interval left little lasting effect, yet rarely someone has really checked out the activists themselves to determine what is still, how they cope in a unique, extra open atmosphere, and the way they see and act at the current and destiny. Activist religion addresses those matters with a wealth of empirical aspect from key instances and with a richly interdisciplinary argument that pulls on theorizing approximately social hobbies. The authors try to appreciate what sustains activism and activities in notably diversified situations from these within which they arose. Their research is enriched via systematic recognition to the influence of gender and genderrelated concerns on activism and pursuits. within the method, they shed a lot wanted gentle at the destiny of the activists and social events that rose to prominence all through Latin the United States in the course of the Eighties. "This superbly written publication is an incredible success that provides us analytical instruments for learning how events and activists continue to exist within the doldrums and whilst a cycle of protest peaks and societies movement on."--Daniel H. Levine, collage of Michigan "Two of trendy major gurus on faith and politics in Latin the USA have teamed as much as produce the 1st entire examine of women's grassroots non secular hobbies because the transition to democracy in Brazil and Chile. On a theoretical point, the publication compels us to reconsider the traditional knowledge concerning the `death' of social pursuits in Latin the United States. On a extra human point, the interviews with girls activists supply voice to `ordinary heroes' so frequently absent from the literature. The great entry Drogus and Stewart-Gambino had with those ladies supplies the research a measure of intensity and perception that's difficult to match." --Philip J. Williams, collage of Florida

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Extra info for Activist Faith: Grassroots Women in Democratic Brazil and Chile

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The whole issue of human rights during the dictatorship was organized by women; they are the ones who made the denunciations, they are the ones who mobilized. The majority of the executed and detaineddisappeared were men. So, it was their surviving women who raised the issue of human rights. It is not an accident that women were leaders in that. . We women always take on the identity of servant . . but during that time, there was a general identity and the women’s struggle started to have some advances.

Inspired by this and by the worker-priest movement, Latin American progressives moved to disassociate the church from its traditional identification with elites. Particularly in Brazil and Chile, progressive priests and bishops began to publicly condemn social and economic injustice, using liberation theology as a point of departure for denouncing the “structural sins” of dependent capitalism. Liberationists argued that in Latin America, Christianity required solidarity with the poor and their legitimate aspiration for freedom from economic, political, and social oppression.

Although the bishops intended the communities to be part of the parish structure, their actual relationship with church authority varied widely across countries, dioceses, and parishes, depending in part on the diocesan bishop and local priest. Their nature and purposes— whether liberationist or not—differed significantly as well. In fact, the smallcommunity model proved attractive to conservative church leaders as well as to liberationists. Daniel Levine (1992) identifies three broad types of base communities, dissimilar in their attitudes toward and objectives for members’ political and religious beliefs; the outcome they sought for members’ behavior; and their relationship to official church structures.

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